Column: A conservative case for a bill of rights

In the Sunday Age this week I made a conservative argument for a minimalist bill of rights that would protect ‘headline’ liberties rather than a mishmash of UN-invented ‘rights’:

What would a conservative or liberal bill of rights look like? It would have to be entrenched within the constitution. It would have to mean something.

Courts would be able to enforce it. Labor attorney-general Rob Hulls was very proud of introducing Victoria’s Charter of Rights in 2006 but the government can – and his government did – ignore that charter whenever convenient with no consequence. Why fill the statute books with motherhood statements? A bill of rights is a radical measure, not a tool for political self-congratulation.

Yet politicians don’t like the idea of a constitutionally entrenched bill of rights. It might prevent them from doing whatever they want. The Rudd government forbade the National Human Rights Consultation report (which received 35,000 submissions) from considering anything that would reduce Parliament’s ”sovereignty”. But that’s the point – to stop Parliament from trampling our liberties. Anything less is a waste of time.

And I explain the big conceptual difference between a conservative or liberal bill of rights and the proposals which dominate our human rights discussions:

 The American bill of rights is very powerful. The First Amendment unambiguously protects free speech, free press and religion.

Yet in Australia, bills of rights haven’t had much support by liberals and conservatives. The reason is simple. The First Amendment was written more than two centuries ago. Modern bills of rights tend to increase government power, rather than limit it. This is because our human rights advocates believe that to protect human rights we simply have to transpose United Nations treaties onto Australian law.

In recent inquiries, those advocates have called for a rights act to guarantee everything from free university to welfare – all because they’re in UN documents.

Read the whole thing here. In my book, I go into further detail about just how powerful the First Amendment has become at protecting freedom of speech. It’s hard not to admire should a potent constitutional weapon for liberty.

Conroy: the most shameless politician of all?

I have an article in The Australian today on Stephen Conroy’s so-called media “reforms”:

All politicians are self-interested. But few are as shameless as Communications Minister Stephen Conroy.

His proposed “media reforms” may be a thinly veiled response to a technologically driven changing media landscape, but we all know their real purpose: to punish and rein in the federal government’s critics in the media.

They amount to a massive expansion of government control over the media, and they have no place in a free society.

A free press is an essential feature of a healthy liberal democracy. Media outlets should always feel free to criticise politicians and others in power without any fear of retribution. And that freedom does not just belong to the media. Its right to report freely is also essential for our right to hear freely. When the government limits the free speech of the media, it is also an attack on individuals’ access to the free flow of information and the right to be an informed citizen.

Conroy’s attack on the media is just the latest example of the Gillard government’s complete disregard for freedom of speech. The Liberal Party has already announced its opposition to Conroy’s proposals. It now falls to independent MPs to defend freedom of speech and block the government’s blatantly self-interested attempt to ram these laws through parliament before September.

You can read the whole thing here.

CCTV fails to prevent crime

By now it should be clear: CCTV does not prevent crime. New research from the UK demonstrates this point:

One in five councils have reduced the number of CCTV cameras on the streets since 2010, with some having no cameras at all. Cost should not be the reason for making decisions about the tools needed to keep the public safe.  We have long argued for an approach based on community policing and the ‘broken windows’ experience from the USA. CCTV diverts resources away from efforts that have been proven to be more effective while increasing the blanket nature of public surveillance. Rather than just cutting cameras, how many councils are looking at what actually works to reduce crime?

Crime statistics from September 2012 showed that there had been an 8% decrease compared to the previous year’s survey; driven by significant reductions in vandalism, burglary and vehicle related theft. What is important is that crime is falling and the number of CCTV cameras is falling. Yet again the evidence demonstrates there’s – at best – a tenuous link and in reality no link between the number of CCTV cameras and crime levels.

You can read the full piece on Big Brother Watch here.

Conroy’s media regulations explained

In this new video, the IPA’s Chris Berg explains why Conroy’s proposed regulation of the media is so dangerous:

Conroy’s media regulation is government licensing in all but name

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This afternoon, Communications Minister Stephen Conroy finally made an announcement regarding the Finkelstein and Convergence reviews. Immediately after the announcement I put out this media releaseContinue Reading →

Conroy media regulation is government licensing in all but name

“Communications Minister Stephen Conroy’s proposals for media regulation are a de facto licensing scheme for the print media and a fundamental threat to freedom of the press,” said Chris Berg, Research Fellow with the free market think tank the Institute of Public Affairs.

Mr Berg is the author of In Defence of Freedom of Speech: from Ancient Greece to Andrew Bolt, published in 2012 in the wake of the Finkelstein Inquiry into media regulation.

If Minister Conroy’s changes go ahead, a government-appointed Public Interest Media Advocate will control the Australian Press Council.

“The scheme proposed by Minister Conroy would be press licensing in all but name: granting journalistic privileges only to media outlets that sign up to regulated press standards bodies like the Press Council.

“Furthermore, the proposed ‘public interest’ test for media mergers will inevitably be a political interest test.

“It is totally inappropriate for politicians complaining about unfair media coverage to use state power to punish their critics.

“Advocates for freedom of speech should be pleased the government has backed away from the extensive and dangerous recommendations of the Finkelstein Inquiry.

“But this new son-of-Finkelstein proposal has almost as many problems and presents as much of a threat to free speech.

“Parliament should reject these proposals when legislation is considered next week.”

For media and comment: Chris Berg, Director, Policy, 0402 257 681

Soda ban falls flat

Nanny chiefToday is my birthday, and I am happy it won’t go down as the day that New York Mayor succeeded in introducing his absurd soft drink restrictions. As the New York Post reports:

A state judge today put a cork in City Hall’s plans to ban Big Apple restaurants and other venues from selling large sugary drinks — a bubble-bursting defeat for Mayor Bloomberg, who has made public health a cornerstone of his tenure.

Before the stunning ruling by New York Supreme Court Judge Milton Tingling, restaurants, movie theaters, sports venues, convenience stores and other places regulated by the city’s health department would have been prohibited — starting tomorrow — from selling sugary drinks of more than 16 ounces.

For those of us used to the metric system 16 ounces is about half a litre (0.4731765 litres to be precise). That means you can buy soft drink in cans, and that is about it. As I posted earlier, the silly rule is leading to bizarre unintended consequences that needn’t reduce the sugar and calories being consumed.

As a comment piece argued in another outlet, despite years of courts expanding the role of government finally a court has said enough:

Far more important was the city’s decision to give itself far-ranging power to act in the name of public health. By saying it had the right to tell people how much soda they could drink in this manner it was creating a  government monster “that would leave its authority to define, create, mandate and enforce limited only by its own imagination.” The result would be to “create an administrative Leviathan.” In doing so, the judge highlighted the fact that this controversy isn’t about whether sugared drinks are healthy but whether the impulse to do good gives Bloomberg, New York or any legislature or government bureaucrat unlimited power to restrict individual rights.

The article continues:

If we are now a nation that treats the fad of organic food as a religious obligation and worships health the way we once celebrated moral behavior or piety, so be it. But if we are to translate these beliefs into law then the same danger applies to other attempts to legislate certain types of morality.

A government that can tell citizens what to eat or drink or how much can be legally consumed is one in which individual liberty is now considered a less important value than the dictates of dieticians. Neither the obesity epidemic nor any other health issue based in individual choice can give New York City, or any other government, such power. We can only hope that Judge Tingling’s ruling stands and prevents further attacks on liberty in New York and any other place where politicians seek to use public health as a lever to abrogate individual rights.

According to the New York Post article Judge Tingling (pardon the carbon-infused surname pun) argued:

Bloomberg and the Board of Health overstepped their bounds, to enforce rules that should be established by the legislative bodies.

“The rule would not only violate the separation of powers doctrine, it would eviscerate it,” Tingling wrote. “Such an evisceration has the potential to be more troubling than sugar sweetened drinks.”

Tingling sided with a coalition of store keepers, unions, theater owners and beverage sellers who have been fighting Bloomberg’s ban that was set to go into effect tomorrow.

“It is arbitrary and capricious because it applies to some but not all food establishments in the city, it excludes other beverages that have significantly higher concentrations of sugar sweeteners and/or calories on suspect grounds, and the loopholes inherent in the rule, including but not limited to no limitations on refills, defeat and/or serve to gut the purpose of the rule,” Tingling wrote.

The man trying to outdo Nicola Roxon’s title as consumer and commercial freedom enemy number one, Mayor Michael Bloomberg responded by saying:

“I got to defend my children and you and everybody else and do what’s right to save lives,” he angrily said. “Obesity kills. There’s just no question about it.”

Many people might find this argument appealing, but it is an essentially irrational proposition. There are boundaries to the arbitrary and endless extent that government can keep people safe and healthy. The consequences of obesity are serious. But that doesn’t automatically result in government having the responsibility to address them, or even that they are the best to do so. The article continues:

Tingling was particularly miffed with the sliding standard of who would be covered by the ban and not.

For example, supermarkets and large chain stores don’t fall under city regulations and wouldn’t have been impacted by the ban. But local, mom-and-pop bodegas would have been forced to adhere to the 16-ounce ban.

“The simple reading of the rule leads to the earlier acknowledged uneven enforcement even within a particular city block, much less the city as a whole … the loopholes in this rule effectively defeat the state purpose of the rule,” the judge said.

Tingling said this public-health debate should clearly be in the hands of lawmakers like the City Council or state legislature. Those bodies have never refused to take up this weighty matter, the judge said.

“There is no rational argument purporting to demonstrate legislative inaction in this area,” Tingling wrote.

“Addressing the obesity issue as it related to sugar-sweetened drinks, or sugary drinks, is the subject of past and ongoing debate with the city and state legislatures.”

It seems Bloomberg won’t quit while he is behind and is challenging the ruling on appeal. Sigh.

Kim Williams on free speech and media regulation

As reported in The Australian this morning, ($) this looks like an excellent speech from News Limited CEO Kim Williams:

Mr Williams will use a speech tomorrow night to warn against “staggering increases in regulation” at a time of increasing diversity thanks to the rise of digital media that gives consumers more choice.

“What horrifies me personally and professionally is that this government appears to be on the brink of imposing regulation on a major industry without a single day of constructive face-to-face consultation with that industry,” Mr Williams will say, according to a draft of his speech.

“For anyone who values freedom of speech, the idea that journalists and media companies should be forced to join a government-authorised body or lose the protections afforded to them by the Privacy Act and other shield laws relating to their work smacks of a licensing regime for journalists that has no place in a democratic society,” Mr Williams will say. “And the idea that there should be a public interest test – which is a defacto political interest test – on who should own a media outlet sounds positively Venezuelan.”

We’ll have much more to say on media regulation later today.

UPDATE: Kim Williams has this great piece in The Daily Telegraph following Stephen Conroy’s announcement:

THIS government will go down in history as the first Australian government outside of wartime to attack freedom of speech by seeking to introduce a regime which effectively institutes government sanctioned journalism.

The Public Interest “Tsar” will be beholden to government and will act as its gatekeeper. It is a sad day for Australian democracy.

It’s worth reading the whole article.