Sunday Age column: An assault on diet

My Sunday Age column this week is on the National Health and Medical Research Council’s new dietary guidelines:

[W]hat is the point of providing ”guidelines” that are so far removed from the experiences of Australian eaters? Surely health tips should not simply be scientifically accurate, but also socially plausible.

Advice is pointless if it’s going to be ignored. If our best medical minds have decided that drawing any pleasure from food is too risky, perhaps they should rethink their goals.

In 2008, the NHMRC decided any more than two glasses of wine in a single session constituted ”binge drinking”. This decision turned the previously benign cultural practice of sharing a bottle of wine into dangerous hedonism.

But ”binge” is a moral concept rather than a scientific one – it’s just a synonym for ”bad”. Since risky behaviour exists on a continuum, this redefinition was little more than an attempt to berate people into changing their behaviour.

That was five years ago. Now public health activists are pushing the message ”there is no safe level of alcohol consumption”. Another banality pretending to be insight. There’s no totally safe level of doing anything. But expect to find ”no alcohol” on official recommendations soon.

Media reform package before cabinet today?

The Australian Financial Review says the Finkelstein and Convergence review proposals could go to cabinet as early as today. We’ve been here before. Communications Minister Stephen Conroy apparently tried to bring a package to cabinet last November but nothing came of it.

This time the reported proposals are different again, a random smattering of reforms to Australian content rules, privacy law, ownership restrictions, and a journalists’ code of ethics. A few short comments on each, with the obvious caveat that what has been reported in the AFR may not be what cabinet agrees to:

  • Privacy: In his short time as Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus has already expressed some grave doubts about a tort of privacy. In his “present, personal view” it is “very difficult to legislate to enable privacy litigation without adversely affecting freedom of speech.” Robin Speed of the excellent Rule of Law Institute has made a critical point: a privacy tort is “not so much as about freedom of the press but … a matter concerning ordinary Australians who could be sued or prohibited from saying things to his neighbour”. The Gillard government might want to attack what it sees as a hostile press, but law applies to everybody. The privacy tort could be a very big deal.
  • Media ownership: Further restricting media ownership has never been less necessary than today. Whatever Citizen Kane-esque idea of the dominant media mogul dictating copy and determining the agenda we may have had in the past is obviously archaic in a world of Twitter and blogs and Facebook and the Guardian Australia. Back in 2006, when the Howard government was pursuing media ownership reform, I repeatedly argued that the explosion of competition across all forms of media make media ownership laws redundant. That was seven years ago of course, and before those trends played out into our great newspaper crisis.
  • Content standards: The same logic applies to increased Australian content standards. Furthermore, given the prominence that harmonising Australian content standards played in the Convergence review (I explain here) simply beefing up those standards on free to air networks would be yet another admission that the government is politically unable to regulate the media with any consistency.
  • A code of ethics: Then the kicker: a “code of ethics” for individual journalists. The AFR suggests that a journalist who signed up to a code of ethics through the existing Australian Press Council would be individually exempt from some provisions of the Privacy Act (perhaps given a defence under a new privacy tort?). Certainly this is a welcome step down from Finkelstein’s regulate-every-tiny-blog or Bob Brown’s bring-back-newspaper-licensing. But trading government oversight for privileges is a form of licensing in the strictest sense. A lot rides on what that oversight would constitute (what are the penalties for breaching the “code of ethics”?) and what the rest of us would be exposed to if we chose not to sign up to the government’s scheme.

There’s a lot in there, and that’s just what has been reported. We’ll be closely monitoring any developments.

Senate committee reports on anti-discrimination bill inquiry

Late yesterday afternoon, the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee released its final report following its inquiry into the exposure draft Human Rights and Anti-Discrimination Bill 2012.

The majority report recommends the removal of clause 19(2)(b), which defines discrimination to include conduct that “offends” and “insults”. We’ve written extensively about the dangerous impact this provision would have on freedom of speech.

This is a welcome recommendation but it only addresses one of many problems of the draft bill, including the reversal of the burden of proof, a costs structure that benefits complainants and the inclusion of vague terms, such as ‘social origin’. Continue Reading →

Freedom commissioners might fix the AHRC

I have written an article in The Australian today about the abject failure of the Australian Human Rights Commission to stand up for classical liberal democratic rights. I’ve argued that the only way to stop the commission from campaigning for more restrictions on our freedoms is to abolish it. But if it can’t be abolished it should have freedom commissioners appointed to promote freedom of speech, association and religion and the protection of property rights and the rule of law:

The Australian Human Rights Commission must correct its bias towards a left-wing human rights agenda by moving to appoint freedom commissioners.

The ideological mindset of the commission led opposition legal affairs spokesman George Brandis last week to ask the president of the commission, Gillian Triggs: “Why has it taken people like my friends at the Institute of Public Affairs to promote and defend freedom in Australia?”

At best, the commission pays lip-service to the idea that it needs to strike a balance between old liberal rights — such as freedom of speech, religion and association — and new progressive rights such as the right not to be offended.

But, funnily enough, we only hear about the need for balance when the commission is criticised for its failure to promote the first category of rights.

There is a simple way to overcome this problem — the appointment of freedom commissioners. Currently, there are five commissioners of discrimination and social justice. Balance could be achieved by appointing five freedom commissioners: one each for freedom of speech, association, religion, property rights and the rule of law.

Such a structure could help to achieve real balance within the commission and assist in reversing the curtailment of our most fundamental human rights.

Tim Wilson condemns human rights commissioner for failing to defend free speech

The IPA’s Tim Wilson appeared alongside a human rights commissioner on The Drum on ABC24 on Wednesday night.

Tim took the commission to task for their manifest failure to fulfil their obligation of defending human rights by standing up for free speech during the debate about anti-discrimination laws.

You can watch the whole exchange here:

The Human Rights Commission does not defend all human rights – just the rights it likes. This is exactly why the IPA has called for the abolition of the Australian Human Rights Commission.

Chris Kenny on Geert Wilders and free speech

I’m quoted in Chris Kenny’s column today on the Geert Wilders visit:

“The most important point is that to stop Geert Wilders coming into the country would not simply be to limit his freedom of speech, but it would be an intolerable limitation on our freedom to choose to listen to him,” says Chris Berg, of the Institute of Public Affairs. “Freedom of speech and the freedom to listen are two sides of the same coin.”

Berg says that in a democracy we must debate public policy in the open. “We don’t try to force them underground, fuelling discontent, resentment, and confusion; to suppress Wilders’s views would be denying his arguments the opportunity to be tested, criticised and rebutted.”

For more IPA comment on free speech and Geert Wilders, see this post.

John Roskam’s letter to IPA members

IPA Executive Director John Roskam this week wrote to IPA members about the role they played in defeating Nicola Roxon on anti-discrimination law.

If you’re not yet an IPA member, don’t forget to take advantage of our special membership offer ending on 15 March. Visit http://join.ipa.org.au/special-offer/ and use the code “membership” to get your bonus free book when joining the IPA.

Continue Reading →

Discrimination Bill Still Threatens Rights, Should Be Scrapped

Thursday, 21 February 2013

 DISCRIMINATION BILL STILL THREATENS RIGHTS, SHOULD BE SCRAPPED

“Labor Senators on the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee have today acknowledged that their own government’s draft anti-discrimination legislation threatens free speech. Their recommendation that Section 19 (2)(b), which made it unlawful to ‘offend’ or ‘insult’ someone, be removed from the draft law entirely is welcome,” says Simon Breheny, director of the Legal Rights Project at free market think tank the Institute of Public Affairs.

“However the Labor Senators on the committee have nothing to say about the many other problems with the government’s draft law, such as its reversal of the onus of proof or its attacks on religious liberty and freedom of association. In some areas they even want the law to go further.

“By contrast, Coalition members of the committee have recognised the dangerous nature of the law and have recommended that it be rejected entirely. The IPA agrees.

“The government’s anti-discrimination law consolidation project has been flawed from the beginning. It should now be abandoned entirely.

“Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus must immediately clarify the government’s intentions with the bill. The Australian people deserve to know whether he intends to take away their freedom like his predecessor Nicola Roxon did.”

The IPA’s Simon Breheny, Chris Berg and Tim Wilson appeared before the Senate hearing into the legislation in Melbourne on 23 January. The IPA’s analysis is extensively quoted in the report, which is available at: http://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Senate_Committees?url=legcon_ctte/anti_discrimination_2012/report/index.htm

For media and comment:

Simon Breheny, Director, Legal Rights Project, sbreheny@ipa.org.au, 0400 967 382